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These various other results could be due to cross-linguistic differences in the latest qualities of the BSL and ASL lexicons

These various other results could be due to cross-linguistic differences in the latest qualities of the BSL and ASL lexicons

Dating certainly lexical and you may phonological services

Next we examined relationships among the lexical and phonological properties of the signs in ASL-LEX to gain insight into how phonological, lexical, and semantic factors interact in the ASL lexicon. s = –0.14, p < 0.001. Although it is possible that this inverse correlation is driven by the relatively higher frequency of closed-class words which may be lower in iconicity than other signs, the negative correlation remains when closed-class words (i.e., words with a “minor” Lexical Class) are excluded (r s = –0.17, p < 0.001). This result is compatible with the early proposal that with frequent use, signs may move away from their iconic origins, perhaps due to linguistic pressures to become more integrated into the phonological system (Frishberg, 1975). Interestingly, the direction of this relationship was the opposite of that found for British Sign Language; that is, Vinson et al. (2008) reported a weak positive correlation between frequency and iconicity: r = .146, p < .05. Alternatively, the different correlations might be due differences in stimuli selection. Vinson et al. (2008) intentionally selected stimuli that had a range of iconicity values which resulted in a bimodal iconicity distribution while we did not select signs for inclusion in ASL-LEX based on their iconicity.

Regularity and you may iconicity z-ratings (SignFrequency(Z) and Iconicity(Z)) were somewhat negatively correlated together (discover Desk step 1), with more frequent signs rated while the shorter legendary; although not, this matchmaking was weak, roentgen

A number of phonological characteristics try highly synchronised and in of a lot times simply because how they is actually defined (select Desk step one). Such, for every single big place contains one or more minor metropolitan areas-high frequency minor locations tend to thus nearly inevitably be found in higher frequency big urban centers, and handshape volume try likewise linked to chose digit and bending frequency. Concurrently, all three actions from Area Thickness is actually very correlated that have one several other partially since they are similarly outlined and you will partly due to the fact people neighbors you to share five of four sandwich-lexical characteristics (Maximum Society Thickness) will necessarily along with display among five sandwich-lexical features (Minimal Community Density). In the end, all of the about three Society Thickness procedures is actually correlated with each of your sub-lexical frequency actions. This makes experience just like the of the meaning, preferred sub-lexical attributes appear in many signs 420 online dating.

Interestingly, the basic sub-lexical frequencies are completely uncorrelated with each other, with the exception of selected fingers and minor location which are significantly but weakly correlated (r = .10, p < .01). This finding suggests that the space of possible ASL signs is rather large as each sub-lexical property can (to a first degree of approximation) vary independently of the others. This property contrasts with spoken languages where phoneme frequency is correlated across different syllable positions. For example, using position-specific uniphone frequencies from Vitevitch and Luce (2004) we estimate that in English monosyllabic words, vowel frequency is negatively correlated with the frequency of the preceding consonant (r = –.07, p < .001) and positively correlated with the following consonant (r = .17, p < .001), and that onset consonants have highly correlated frequencies (r = –.51, p < .001). We speculate that the relative independence of ASL sub-lexical features is related to both the motoric independence of the manual articulators (e.g., finger flexion is unaffected by the location of the hand in signing space) as well as the relative simultaneity of manual articulation (as opposed to serial oral articulation). We note that these non-significant correlations are for sub-lexical frequency only; specific sub-lexical properties have been argued to co-vary systematically (e.g., signs produced in locations far from the face may be more likely to be symmetrical, two-handed, and have larger, horizontal, and vertical motions; Siple, 1978).